Sunningdale Agreement Totally Explained

Everything about The Sunningdale Agreement totally explained

The Sunningdale Agreement was an attempt to end "the Troubles" in Northern Ireland by forcing unionists to share power with nationalists. The Agreement had three parts — an elected Northern Ireland Assembly, a power-sharing cross-community Northern Ireland Executive and a cross-border Council of Ireland. The Agreement was signed at the Civil Service College (now the National School of Government) in Sunningdale Park located in Sunningdale, Berkshire, on December 9, 1973. (External Link

)Unionist opposition, Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) violence and finally a loyalist general strike caused the collapse of the Agreement in May 1974.

The Northern Ireland Assembly

On March 20 1973, the British government published a white paper which proposed a 78-member Northern Ireland Assembly, to be elected by proportional representation. The British government would retain control over law and order, and a Council of Ireland would give the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland a voice in each other's affairs. This assembly was to replace the suspended Stormont parliament, but it was hoped that this assembly wouldn't be dominated by the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) in the same way, and would thus be acceptable to nationalists.
The Northern Ireland Assembly Bill resulting from the white paper became law on 3 May 1973, and elections for the new assembly were held on 28 June. The agreement was supported by the nationalist Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), the unionist UUP and the moderate unionist and cross-community Alliance Party. The pro-agreement parties won a clear majority of seats (52 to 26), but a substantial minority inside the Ulster Unionist Party opposed the agreement. Republicans boycotted the elections, and the PIRA continued its campaign of violence throughout the events described in this article.

The Power Sharing Executive

After the assembly elections, negotiations between the pro-agreement parties on the formation of a "Power Sharing Executive" began. The most contentious issues were internment, policing and the question of a Council of Ireland.
On 21 November, agreement was reached on a voluntary coalition of pro-agreement parties (unlike the provisions of the Belfast Agreement, which establishes the D'Hondt method for the election of Ministers, proportionally to the main parties in the Assembly). Prominent members of the executive included former Unionist Prime Minister Brian Faulkner as Chief Executive, then SDLP leader Gerry Fitt as Deputy Chief Executive, future Nobel Laureate and SDLP leader John Hume as Minister for Commerce and then leader of the Alliance Party Oliver Napier as Legal Minister and head of the Office of Law Reform. Again, the UUP was deeply divided because of the lack of 'tatos' — its Standing Committee voted to participate in the executive by a margin of only 132 to 105. Since the partition of Ireland, unionists had been opposed to sharing power with the nationalist minority, and the end of majoritarianism caused great strife in the UUP.

The Council of Ireland

Provisions for a Council of Ireland existed in the Government of Ireland Act 1920, but these had never been enacted. Unionists resented the idea of any "interference" by the Free State in their newly established region. In 1973, after agreement had been reached on the formation of an executive, agreement was sought to re-establish a Council of Ireland to stimulate co-operation with the Republic of Ireland. Talks were held between 6 December and 9 December in the Berkshire town of Sunningdale between the British Prime Minister Edward Heath, the Irish Taoiseach Liam Cosgrave and the three pro-agreement parties.
The talks agreed on a two-part Council of Ireland:

The Council of Ministers was to be composed of seven members from the power-sharing executive, and seven members from the Irish Government. It was to have "executive and harmonising functions and a consultative role". It was the Council which would sow the dragon's teeth that brought down the Agreement completely.
The Consultative Assembly was to be made up of 30 members from Dáil Éireann and 30 members from the Northern Ireland Assembly. It was to have "advisory and review functions" only.

On 9 December, a communiqué announcing the agreement was issued, which later became known as the Sunningdale Agreement.

Reaction to the Agreement

It was eventually agreed that the executive functions of the Council would be limited to "tourism, conservation, and aspects of animal health", but this didn't reassure the unionists, who saw any influence by the Republic over Northern affairs as a step closer to a united Ireland. They saw their fears confirmed when SDLP councillor Hugh Logue publicly described the Council of Ireland as "the vehicle that would trundle unionists into a united Ireland" in a speech at Trinity College, Dublin. (External Link

) On 10 December, the day after the agreement was announced, loyalist paramilitaries formed the Ulster Army Council — a coalition of loyalist paramilitary groups, including the Ulster Defence Association and the Ulster Volunteer Force, which would oppose the agreement.
In January 1974, the Ulster Unionist Party narrowly voted against continued participation in the Assembly and Faulkner resigned as leader, to be succeeded by the anti-Sunningdale Harry West. The following month a general election took place. The Ulster Unionists formed the United Ulster Unionist Council (UUUC) as a coalition of anti-agreement unionists with the Vanguard Progressive Unionist Party and the Democratic Unionist Party to stand a single anti-Sunningdale candidate in each constituency. The pro-Sunningdale parties, the SDLP, the Alliance, the Northern Ireland Labour Party and the "Pro Assembly Unionists" made up of Faulkner's supporters, were disunited and ran candidates against one another. When the results were declared, the UUUC had captured eleven of the twelve constituencies, several of which had been won on split votes. Only West Belfast returned a pro-Sunningdale MP. The UUUC declared that this represented a democratic rejection of the Sunningdale Assembly and Executive, and sought to bring them down by any means possible.
In March 1974, pro-agreement unionists withdrew their support for the agreement, calling for the Republic of Ireland to remove the Articles 2 and 3 of its constitution first (these Articles wouldn't be revised until the Good Friday Agreement of 1998).

Collapse of the Agreement

� Main article: Ulster Workers Council Strike

Following the defeat of a motion condemning power-sharing in the Northern Ireland Assembly, a loyalist organization called the Ulster Workers' Council called a general strike for 15 May. After two weeks of barricades, shortages, rioting and intimidation, Brian Faulkner resigned as Chief Executive and the Sunningdale Agreement collapsed on 28 May 1974.
   The strike succeeded because the British were reluctant to use force at an early stage and later the use of force was vetoed by the unionists in the Executive.
   The most crippling aspect of the strike was its effect on electricity supply — the Ballylumford power station controlled Belfast's electricity and that of most of Northern Ireland. The workforce was overwhelmingly Protestant and effective control was firmly in the hands of UWC. John Hume's plan to cut the Northern Ireland electricity grid in two and rely on the power generated by Limavady Power Station (where many Catholics worked) to keep Derry and environs in business while undermining the unionist strikers in the east was rejected by the British Secretary of State Merlyn Rees.
   In later strikes the security forces were prepared to use force immediately and so intimidatory barricades — essential to the success of the UWC strike — were suppressed from the outset.

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